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ecologies
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ecologies
This page considers the ecological impact of the internet
and the 'information economy', exploring claims that digital
is necessarily greener and cleaner.
It covers -
-
Introduction – questions
about ideologies, expectations and uncertainties in
exploring the environmental impact of the net
- Energy
- conflicting claims about whether a wired economy necessarily
uses (or merely wastes) less energy
- Dematerialisation
– does virtuality and disintermediation involve
a reduction in energy and material use
- Mobility
and clustering – digital nomads, congestion
pricing, dot-com clustering and other geospatial issues
- Waste
– packaging, consumption and 'e-waste'
- Displacement
– offshoring pollution along with production?
- Studies
– major works on the internet, digital economy
and environment
Introduction
For enthusiasts one reason for the 'newness' of the 'new
economy' is that it is supposedly cleaner and greener
than superseded smokestack or rustbelt economies, with
greater uptake of digital technologies being associated
with a significantly reduced impact on local and global
ecologies. The vision is one of the machine in the garden,
far far from the madding crowds, toxic waste dumps or
ugly smokestacks … a post-industrial collage of
Bambi meets the iPod, telework and responsible consumption
by enlightened consumers.
Others have expressed alarm about the energy requirements
of the digital economy, with claims that the proliferation
of online devices has "staggering implications for
the thermoelectrical power complex" and that for
example around 50% of US electricity production will be
consumed by "the Internet and E-commerce activity".
One example of those alarms is The Internet Begins
With Coal: A Preliminary Exploration of the Impact of
the Internet on Electricity Consumption, a 1999 study
by Mark Mills for the Greening Earth Society (a US utilities
advocacy organisation).
Alas, the evidence for many claims is problematical. There
is considerable uncertainty about the local/global environmental
impact of the net, with benefits apparently often being
offset by disadvantages and the significance of particular
problems being overstated by some champions.
Energy
How much energy is used to run the internet (cables, servers,
personal computers, other devices) and more broadly power
"the internet economy"? What is the rate of
growth?
The answers to those questions are unclear; as we have
indicated in highlighting some studies below there is
major disagreement about base data and projections. Although
devices are broadly becoming more efficient, there are
more of them. It is sometimes claimed that PDAs and similar
devices are innately 'green' because they are not drawing
power from a grid or generating thermal pollution. However,
an assessment of their overall impact might include costs
involved in battery production.
What is the impact of the domestic personal computer and
non-commercial uses such as burning CDs of fileshared
music? There are few comprehensive audits. Electricity
use in an average Australian household as of 2001 is claimed
to be -
use
water heating
fridge/freezer
air heating/cooling
lighting
audio/video
cooking
washing and ironing
pool pump
other |
%
33
20
14
8
7
6
3
3
6 |
Adding
an internet fridge or two
is unlikely to have a fundamental impact.
Some analysts have suggested that much of the energy used
by server farms or web
hotels is attributable to the cooling requirements of
those facilities, rather than power to keep the hard drives
spinning. Jennifer Mitchell-Jackson suggests that server
farms across the US used no more than 0.12% of all US
electric power at the end of 2000, in contrast to claims
that the growth of server farms in and around Seattle
would require around 1,100 megawatts a day (roughly the
amount of power used by the entire city, including manufacturers
such as Boeing).
The experience of Seattle - and other hubs such as New
York, where a projected farm was claimed to have double
the power requirements of the former World Trade Center
towers - is not typical of most of the US or other parts
of the world. That is demonstrated in Matthew Zook's 1998
paper
on The Web of Consumption: The Spatial Organization
of the Internet Industry in the US - illustrating
how supposedly 'spaceless' new economy industries cluster
in specific locations - and Manuel Castells' The Informational
City: Information Technology, Economic Restructuring &
the Urban-Regional Process (Oxford: Blackwell 1989).
Studies
'Big picture' perspectives are provided by Bjorn Lomborg's
controversial The Skeptical Environmentalist: Measuring
the Real State of the World (Cambridge: Cambridge
Uni Press 2001) and Global Crisis, Global Solutions
(Cambridge: Cambridge Uni Press 2004) and by Jeremy Leggett's
The Carbon War: Dispatches from the End of the Oil
Era (London: Allen Lane 1999).
The landmark 1999 The Internet & Global Warming
report
by Joseph Romm, Arthur Rosenfeld & Susan Herrmann
of the Center for Energy & Climate Solutions claimed
economic growth of 8% in the US during 1997-98 and noted
that energy consumption grew by only 1% rather than the
expected 10%. That difference was attributed to the new
economy and has been the basis of claims that 'being online'
will result in substantial systemic reductions in energy
demand.
Jay Hakes' lucid 2000 The Potential Impacts of Computers
and the Internet on Electricity Consumption disagreed,
attributing lower demand in 1997-98 to an unusually mild
winter and commenting sensibly that
it
is too soon to come to any conclusions as to the precise
path of electricity use resulting from internet and
internet-based commerce.
As
noted above, the 1999 The Internet Begins with Coal:
A Preliminary Exploration of the Impact of the Internet
on Electricity Consumption report
by Mark Mills - echoed in a Forbes polemic by
Mills and Peter Huber - estimated "internet related" electricity
use at around 8% of all US electricity use in 1998 and
growing to half of all electricity use in the current
decade. The report was produced for the Greening Earth
Society - one of the coal industry lobby groups fighting
the 'carbon wars' - but there have been similar claims
from figures such as George Gilder.
The report was criticised as fundamentally flawed. A 1999
critique (PDF)
by the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory (LBL) for
example suggested that the figures should be reduced by
a factor of eight. LBL analysts estimated the annual electricity
consumption of all the office and network equipment in
the United States at about 74 terawatt hours. That was
2% of national consumption, rising to 3% if the cost of
manufacturing the hardware is included.
Criticism has not, however, inhibited claims that Silicon
Valley was responsible for the Californian power crisis
or that internet hosting facilities ('server farms' or
'web hotels') guzzle more juice
than some US states. One inference has been that there's
an emerging power crisis in the US and other counties,
thanks to the web, so restrictions on nuclear plants,
inefficient coal-fired power stations and other nasties
should be reduced.
The LBL Information Technology & Resource Use
(PDF)
study by Jennifer Mitchell-Jackson assessed energy use
by data centres, explores why most estimates are significantly
too high and supplies substantive rather than anecdotal
figures for five facilities. The study drew on her Masters
thesis (PDF)
of May 2001 regarding electricity used by data centres.
The thesis supplies measured top down (billing data) and
the bottom up (counting equipment and measuring or estimating
actual power used for each piece of equipment, then adding
it up) data. Overall, the best estimate of power used
by US centres is under 0.12% of all electric power consumption
at the end of 2000.
The study reflects previous LBL research about the impact
of information technology on resource use. In 1995 the
Lab published a comprehensive assessment of power used
by commercial-sector office equipment (PDF).
It offered a point by point rebuttal (PDF)
of Congressional testimony by Mills, during an inquiry
that featured suggestions that the net - like photocopiers
- should be turned off at night. Measurements in the second
major assessment (PDF)
of office equipment energy use released in June 2001 were
consistent with forecasts in the 1995 study.
The new report suggested that total electricity used by
all office equipment in the US was around 2% of all electricity
consumption. Power used for all telecommunications, network
and office equipment (including electricity used to manufacture
the stuff in plastic boxes) accounted for around 3% of
total US electricity consumption. Commercial sector office
equipment electricity use is within 15% of that predicted
for 2000 in the 1995 report, with the difference being
attributed to by more people leaving their computers and
printers on at night than envisaged in 1995.
Attempts at modelling the broader impact of the net or
electronic commerce have been contentious, given disagreement
about basic definitions, the muddiness of much data and
questions about extrapolation.
Two examples are the 2001 OECD paper by H. Scott Matthews
& Chris Hendrickson on Economic and Environmental
Implications of Online Retailing in the United States
(PDF),
Klaus Fichter's 2001 paper for the German federal environment
ministry on Environmental Effects of E-Business and
Internet Economy: First Insights and Environment-political
Conclusions (PDF).
A 2005 study
by Ralph Gay, Robert Davis, Don Phillips & Daniel
Sui on Modeling Paradigm for the Environmental Impacts
of the Digital Economy more ambitiously suggested
40%
to 50% reduction in life cycle energy and pollutant
expenditures with e-commerce in the personal computer
industry
Some
studies seem sadly out of sync with reality, assuming
for example that forecasts about the paperless office
will come true - forecasts strongly debunked in works
such as The Myth of the Paperless Office (Cambridge:
MIT Press 2001) by Abigail Sellen & Richard Harper
discussed elsewhere on this site. There are thus questionmarks
about statements such as -
By 2003, e-materialization of paper alone holds the
prospect of cutting energy consumption by about 0.25%
of total industrial energy use and net [greenhouse gas]
GHG emissions by a similar percentage. By 2008, the
reductions are likely to be more than twice as great.
We also believe the Internet Economy could render unnecessary
as much as 3 billion square feet of buildings - some
5% of U.S. commercial floor space- which would likely
save a considerable amount of construction-related energy.
By 2010, e-materialization of paper, construction, and
other activities could reduce U.S. industrial energy
and GHG emissions by more than 1.5%.
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