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section heading icon     issues and agencies

This page considers questions regarding Echelon (in particular its regulation and effectiveness), highlights key agencies and notes some Echelon-watchers.

It covers -

section marker icon     issues

Criticism of ECHELON essentially concerns four issues -

  • legitimacy
  • equity
  • effectiveness
  • accountability

Concerns regarding legitimacy centre on relations between states, individuals and other entities.

Is it appropriate for a national government to listen to any/all electronic communications between its citizens, a surveillance that may be comprehensive and that occurs without a warrant or other case by case authorisation from a court? Is it appropriate for governments to skim the communications of people in other states? Is it appropriate for one government to share information about its citizens (or those of another nation) with a second government, and to greatly assist that second government's collection of data?

Does Echelon allow participating governments to circumvent formal restrictions on domestic surveillance? Are such restrictions meaningless in the age of a seamless global information infrastructure or instead worg preserving and even strengthening?

Concerns regarding equity relate to both international and domestic relationships.

It is often argued that minor states such as Australia serve as platforms or agents for data collection but are denied access to much data and to much analysis of that data. Such criticism is credible and means that claims of 'partnership' or a 'special relationship' are at best ironic.

Reports that commercially sensitive information and analysis derived from signals intercepts are provided to some 'strategic' corporations on a selective basis are hard to assess but would appear consistent with historical practice. Critics have wondered about favouring particular corporations (or even interests within corporations). They have also noted reports that US agencies have received information about bribery and negotiations by foreign competitors to US corporations, information that has been used to pressure foreign governments.

Others have queried the effectiveness of Echelon, which because of secrecy serves as a very black box: money is poured in at one end and the uninitiated must take it on faith that information (the right information, aboout the right people) appears at the other end and is thereafter handled appropriately.

The following page notes that Echelon has been a focus of popular anxieties, even paranoia, with people variously fretting that "big brother sees everything, every time you switch on your computer" and others adopting a defeatist disengaged attitude to privacy protection and government accountability.

Some observers have taken a different stance, questioning whether Echelon and similar systems work well on a day to day basis.

They have argued that in principle filtering mechanisms might be easily subverted and that more sophisticated datamining may not do more than point network operators to a particular haystack, rather than isolating each and every individual needle.

In practice a greater challenge is likely to be the task of making sense of data, particularly making sense in real or near-real time rather than in retrospect. A recurrent lament within the intelligence community is that language skills and context are required to make sense of intercepts - and that such skills, experience and fingerspitzgefuhl are uncommon. A corollary has been that intelligence is not reflected in policymaking and action.

A final concern, perhaps the most salient, is the accountability of Echelon.

Ordinary citizens - and most legislators - have little sense of

  • what information is being collected
  • how that information is processed
  • who sights that information
  • how it is collected, stored and integrated with other information
  • how much is spent on collection and storage
  • whether the spending is effective
  • whether collection provides a basis for inappropriate intervention in personal lives, corporate activity and the politics of other nations

section marker icon     expansion

In the preceding page we commented that government surveillance schemes are often incremental rather than revolutionary, an evolution that may inhibit effective responses by regulators and rights advocates. Schemes are often particular concern when they 'value add' through assimilation of new/existing data collections.

In mid-2006, for example, concern was expressed in the US after it became clear that the NSA had established a large scale 'traffic records' database covering billions of calls made within that nation. The database reportedly did not supply the content of those calls. Instead it featured a record of when calls were made, to which numbers those calls were made and for how long. The NSA appears to have used social network analysis in an attempt to detect patterns or, more modestly, to isolate particular parts of the digital haystack in searching for terrorist needles.

section marker icon     agencies

ECHELON appears to directly involve several UKUSA signals agencies -

  • US National Security Agency (NSA)
  • UK Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ)
  • Australian Defence Signals Directorate (DSD)
  • Canadian Communications Security Establishment (CSE)
  • New Zealand Government Communications Security Bureau (GCSB)

As noted elsewhere on this site politicians and officials have acknowledged that there is considerable sharing of information with agencies in other states. The extent of that sharing, its basis and its effectiveness is unknown and in practice cannot be determined.

The Defence Signals Directorate (DSD), the local equivalent of the US NSA, is Australia's major player in the global intelligence community, reflecting a history of cooperation with overseas signals intelligence bodies (notably those in the US, Canada and UK) and advantageous geography for handling radio and satellite traffic.

Its participation in the Echelon network has been criticised by some liberties groups and parts of the EU Parliament. It is formally described as "Australia's national authority for signals intelligence and information security", with functions of foreign signals intelligence collection and dissemination and provision of information security products/services to government agencies (eg advice about protection of the national information infrastructure and about cryptographic products).

The US National Security Agency (NSA), headquartered at Fort Meade, supposedly has a global staff of 38,000 and a budget of around US$40 to 50 billion - more than the FBI and the CIA.

The UK UK Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), the model for DSD, provides signals intelligence to UK government agencies and military units and also provides information assurance. Its site comments

Our Sigint work protects the vital interests of the nation: we provide information to support Government decision making in the fields of national security, military operations and law enforcement. The intelligence we provide is at the heart of the struggle against terrorism and also contributes to the prevention of serious crime. Information Assurance helps keep Government communication and information systems safe from hackers and other threats. We also help those responsible for the UK's critical national infrastructure (power, water, communications etc.) keep their networks safe from interference and disruption.

The work done by GCHQ, MI5 and MI6 benefits everyone who is interested in ensuring that democracy and the rule of law should prevail. Our intelligence directly supports UK Government policies but also extends our role within NATO and Europe, working for common defence purposes.

The FAS estimated that GCHQ might have a budget of over £400 million and some 4,500 staff.

New Zealand's Government Communications Security Bureau (GCSB) is the NZ counterpart of DSD. As noted in the more detailed discussion of Australian and NZ intelligence agencies elsewhere on this site it was the subject of a 1998 review by the NZ Inspector-General of Intelligence & Security (IGIS).

The Canadian Communications Security Establishment (CSE) is an arm of the Department of National Defence. As of 2000 it was reported to a staff of around 890 and an annual budget of C$110 million.

section marker icon     spywatchers

Watching the watchers (or merely speculating about them) is a minor industry that extends from serious academic research through to enthusiasts who fret that the 'invisible government' is beaming subliminal messages through television sets and toasters.

Examples are -

  • EchelonWatch | here
  • Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) | here
  • Federation of American Scientists (FAS) | here
  • EFF
  • EFA
  • Patrick Poole's ECHELON: America's Secret Global Surveillance Network | here
  • disinfo.




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version of May 2006
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