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This
profile considers droit de suite, a royalty for
visual artists on the resale of artworks.
It covers -
basis
The droit de suite aims to provide visual artists with
a share of revenue from sales of their work after
initial sale of that work to a dealer or other buyer.
It has been criticised as an inappropriate or ineffective
tax. It has also been characterised as a measure of justice
for creators and as an extension of intellectual property.
It is independent of droit moral - moral rights
schemes - that are based on respect for the artist's creativity.
Moral rights legislation is discussed here.
The resale right provides that visual artists or their
estates receive a royalty on the resale of artworks. That
royalty is usually between 3% to 5% of the price of the
work, with individual payments being made to copyright
collecting societies on behalf of the artists. (Some regimes
involve galleries and dealers paying 1% of their turnover
into a special fund. Some nations base the royalty on
the seller's profit rather than the price of the work).
It relates to public rather than private sales - eg by
dealers and auction houses rather than directly between
private individuals - and covers work above a specific
value.
An artist who originally sold a painting for a few hundred
francs might thus receive considerable royalties many
years later when the work is resold several times for
several million francs, sharing in the increased value
of the work and enjoying an ongoing incentive for creation.
The droit is concerned with the resale of physical entities
- for example canvas, a sculpture, a work on paper - and
is independent of reproduction rights (ie the artist's
licensing of intellectual property for use in posters,
books etc).
Typically, artists sell the canvas, pigment or paper -
the embodiment of their creativity - but retain the intellectual
property. The droit allows artists or their estates to
snaffle between 5% and 0.25% of the price of the artwork
when the embodiment is resold, sharing in the increase
in value of the work over time. An Australian report,
for example, notes that Indigenous artist Johnny Warangkula
Tjupurrula sold one of his paintings for $150; at an auction
some years later that canvas went for $206,000. (As at
July 2004 the record for auction of work by an Indigenous
artist is $778,000 for Rover Thomas' All That Big
Rain Coming From Top Side in 2001.)
The droit lasts while a work is in copyright
(so there is no need to pay money to the estate of Rembrandt,
Raphael or Da Vinci on the increasingly rare occasions
when their works change hands).
It has been strongly opposed on economic grounds by some
dealers (eg UK galleries and auction houses argued vehemently
that it would disadvantage artists by discouraging sales),
on philosophical grounds as a social welfare measure unrelated
to copyright and on operational grounds as difficult to
administer.
history
First proposed in the 1860s, the droit was established
in France in the 1920s to assist the widows of artists
killed in the 1914-18 War. It supplemented a special tax
on the overall turnover of art dealers that has been used
for a special arts social welfare fund.
Droit de suite provisions were subsequently incorporated
into the copyright legislation of most nations in what
is now the European Union and reflected in the Berne Convention
for the Protection of Literary & Artistic Works, discussed
in our Intellectual Property guide.
The EU Resale Royalty Directive (discussed in the following
page of this profile) harmonises legislation in the various
EU states.
The droit is a peculiarity that has not found much favour
in Australia, the US (although a form of the droit is
in place in California), Canada, New Zealand or Asia.
Application is discussed in the following page of this
profile.
arguments for
Much of the debate about the droit has been polemical.
In practice the most serious argument against introduction
of the droit is uncertainty about whether it
works.
Supporters acknowledge that although a resale royalty
regime has been operating in France and other nations
since at least the 1930s, the impact of those regimes
on the overall resale market, on the viability of dealers
and on the bottom end of the first sale market is unclear.
Agreed statistical information about which artists benefit,
how frequently, on what scale and with what effect is
also unavailable.
Discussion has been vexed by disagreement about economic
models, motivation and philosophies. Particular issues
are highlighted in Creative Industries: Contracts
Between Art & Commerce (Cambridge: Harvard Uni
Press 2000) by Richard Caves, The State and the Arts
(Cheltenham: Elgar 1998) by John O'Hagan, The Economic
Structure of Intellectual Property Law (Cambridge:
Harvard Uni Press 2003) by William Landes & Richard
Posner, Muses and Markets: Explorations in the Economics
of the Arts (Oxford: Blackwell 1989) by Bruno Frey
& Werner Pommerehne and Playing Darts with a Rembrandt:
Public & Private Rights in Cultural Treasures
(Ann Arbor: Uni of Michigan Press 1999) by Joseph Sax.
Proponents have argued for the droit on several grounds.
One - sometimes characterised as the 'genius in the garret'
theory - is that great works are rarely recognised at
first sale, with the artist consequently being inadequately
rewarded. Each generation - resellers and buyers - should
accordingly "make some reparation for the insensitivity
of its ancestors".
Another is that resale of artworks involves exploitation
of the artist, who creates a commodity that is profitable
for sellers and intermediaries but does not share that
profit. A royalty on resale enables the artist to share
the benefits enjoyed by the vendor, dealer or auctioneer,
insurer and other intermediaries in the distribution chain
in a way that is broadly analogous to licensing by literary
creators, composers and performers.
Advocates of 'intrinsic value' argue that the latent value
of an artwork at the time of first sale is realised through
resale. The royalty provides a mechanism through which
the artist (or estate) can share in realisation of that
latent value and thus have an incentive for creativity.
arguments against
The absence of hard data has strengthened criticisms that
include claims that any scheme will be administratively
cumbersome (with disproportionate overheads that benefit
government agencies or a collective rights administration
body),
that existing arts support and social welfare schemes
make adequate provision for struggling creators or - less
plausibly - that artists can use contract law to secure
a share in future resales.
Others have charged that
- the
droit necessarily benefits the wrong artists
at the wrong time of their career (eg 'stars' rather
than those who really need assistance)
- the
financial needs of artists are adequately met through
first sale and subsequent reproduction rights
- sales
between private persons "tend to be conducted discreetly",
making information and remuneration rights difficult
to enforce
- overall
demand for and spending on art is fixed, so benefits
for celebrity artists will be at the expense of emerging
creators
- demand
for contemporary works will be reduced by a "tax
on the profits of philanthropy"
- major
works are sold or donated to cultural institutions and
thus aren't resold
- the
legislation will be evaded, either by sales going to
'friendlier' jurisdictions (eg from London and Paris
to the US) or resellers ignoring the law and relying
on the inability or disinterest of artists in taking
them to court
Some
Australian agents have featured droit de suite provisions
in contracts when selling works on behalf of artists,
reportedly not encountering major resistance by private
or commercial purchasers. The Australian Copyright Council,
however, notes that contract
is
no substitute for a right under legislation, as rights
under a contract are generally not enforceable against
people other than the people who are party to the agreement,
and cannot be imposed retrospectively (for example,
where as a younger or less aware person, an artist sold
a work without such a contractual clause).
Consistent
with overseas studies, the ACC notes that in practice
only established artists may be in a position to impose
such conditions on sale and resale of their work.
Berne, TRIPS and UNESCO
Article 14 of the Berne Convention (as revised in 1971)
identifies droit de suite as one of the 'author's
rights' comprised in copyright, with the expectation that
it can be claimed by creators and their heirs during the
duration of copyright
protection.
Berne essentially treats the droit as aspirational:
it is not a 'minimum right' that must be reflected in
the national legislation of all signatories to the international
agreement but instead is one that can be linked to reciprocity
in national regimes.
Proponents of the droit have often argued that it is an
inalienable right, ie one that the creator cannot waive
in advance. That argument, reflected in the EU Directive,
reflects perceptions that the art market is weighted strongly
towards dealers. Those dealers holds a stronger bargaining
position than emerging artists and are able to set price
and sale conditions. In practice inalienability merely
specifies that an artist/heir can - in principle - exercise
the right following first sale and does not obligate the
artist (or another entity such as copyright collecting
society or government agency) to exercise that right.
UNESCO asserted
in 2001 that
All
original works of fine art in its widest sense, including
works of graphic art and photographs of a creative nature,
which are resold on the art market in the world, must
be subject to droit de suite legislation.
It
noted that
The
persons entitled to droit de suite remuneration are
the artists and their heirs. In order to prevent the
art dealers from forcing the artists to give up this
right on the occasion of the first sale it must be recognised
as inalienable and non-waivable.
The droit de suite claim must be addressed not only
to the vendors themselves, but also to any art market
professional involved in resale either on the vendor's
or on the buyer's side. This right should not apply
to sales between private persons.
Droit de suite legal provisions should provide for uniform
royalty rates; rate splitting for certain portions of
sale prices only complicates its management.
The precondition to making droit de suite claims is
a right to information granted to the right owners and
enforceable against vendors and traders; it is more
appropriate that this right be exercised by a collecting
society.
The remuneration claim can be enforced independently
of the information claim and be asserted either individually
or by a collecting society; practice will prove that
this claim is usually made by a collecting society jointly
with the information claim which makes the management
of this right less costly and minimises the interference
in the market proceedings.
Author' societies mandated to exercise droit de
suite are in a position to maintain social institutions
or institutions which support young artistic talents
with a view to encouraging the growth of the artistic
potential of the nation, as well as persons excluded
from the art market who benefit, at least partially,
if this lies in the national legislature's intentions.
To encourage all States to introduce this right, it
should be bound to the principal of material reciprocity
administration
Administration of the droit is based on national legislation
- a discrete enactment or provisions in the Copyright
Act - with royalties being collected and distributed by
a government agency or by a collective intellectual property
rights (IPR) administration body, often known as a copyright
collecting society.
We have profiled Australian and overseas collecting societies
here. They are owned
by copyright owners, operate on a not-for-profit basis
and provide efficiencies in rights administration that
are not available to most individual copyright owners.
The costs of collecting the droit in Europe appear
to vary between 10% and 40% of the royalties collected.
Australian rights administration body Viscopy foreshadowed
that its costs might be 25% of the royalty. France reportedly
deducts administration costs of 20%.
The Californian regime requires the vendor to withhold
5% of any sale over US$1,000, paying the royalty directly
to the artist within 90 days of the sale.
a shaggy story
James
Fenton's 6 February 1997 NYRB review
of Richardson's monumental life of Picasso provides an
anecdotal view of the early history of droit de suite
and the then current UK furore about the EU Directive.
A 1914 Picasso still life - Bottle of Glass, Wineglass,
Packet of Tobacco & Visiting Card - features the visiting
card of financier Andre Level, responsible for the La
Peau de l'Ours (skin of the bear) art investment fund.
The 'bear' involved a group of art lovers contributing
250 francs each year for speculative investment in modern
paintings. The investments would be displayed in the shareholders'
homes (an example is the Picasso here)
before being sold after ten years, when the fund was wound
up through sale of the collection. Matisse, who had unsuccessfully
sought a group of backers to support him in a similar
way, may have originated the idea.
Level assembled twelve partners and began investing in
1904. Ten years later, as if to prove that the fund had
matured on schedule, it became almost impossible for him
to buy the kind of works he'd originally set out to acquire.
A catalogue was printed - now a collector's item fetching
prices greater than the Bear group's original investment
in works by Picasso or Braque - and the sale duly took
place, just in time to beat the German cultural export
drive planned by von Schlieffen. As we noted several years
ago in an article for the Commonwealth arts and communications
department, there is more than one way to skin a bear.
The investors, whether out of nobility or concern to secure
future works, agreed that 20% of the proceeds should go
to the artists, divided between them in proportion to
price increases.
That principle entered French law six years later - in
search of a good anecdote, Fenton glides over agitation
for droit since the 1860's and postwar lobbying by veteran's
groups - and was known as droit de suite, with artists
or their estates receiving a small proportion (2 to 5%)
of works resold in France or other European countries
with similar legislation.
Writing at the height of agitation by UK art dealers,
the NYRB quoted coverage in the London Daily
Telegraph of 16 December 1996 of a speech by auction
house supremo, Lord Hindlip, who warned that the extension
of droit de suite to the UK would send all 'bears' swimming
to the US.
In the House of Lords, Hindlip claimed that the EU Directive
would be the end of London as the center of the modern
art market, if not the end of the world (the two are synonymous
to all right-thinking people) as no Japanese collector
would wish to pay the extra 2%.
'Imagine
a conversation with the Japanese seller of the £2m Picasso,
the bread and butter of our business. I tell him that
our charges are 2% and that we will charge him expenses
of a further 0.5%. 'So I will have to pay 2.5% to sell
my picture in London?' asks our Japanese. 'Not quite,'
I have to reply, 'there is the question of droit de
suite.' His face clouds and he says 'So it is 2.5% to
you and 2% to the artists heirs?' 'Yes, that is so,'
I add, 'but if it bought by a European there will be
another 5%.'
Fenton
speculated, with little justification, that La Peau de
l'Ours might one day be responsible for closing down Christie's
London operations - a bear market for art in London. Critics
subsequently commented that "although roughly a third
of the fine art sold around the world is French in origin,
only 7 percent of all French art sales take place in France",
supposedly because of the droit.
In reality its impact on the UK or on Australia is unlikely
to be that drastic. Separate reports about the German
regime, for example, indicate that in 1998 the resale
rights of around 7,454 artists were administered by a
nonprofit copyright collecting society. Only 274 received
any payment: an average of DM 1,681 (about £550). Some
of the more spirited memoirs of the art trade suggest
that some dealers spend more than that each year on nose
candy.
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