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models
This page looks at models for regulation of cyberspace.
It is not comprehensive but should give you a map of how
the pieces fit together (and how Australian law will evolve
to accommodate international developments, such as the EU
privacy regime). It will also offer insights into the role
of bodies such as ICANN, often unfairly criticised as the
unelected government of cyberspace
four models
Debate
about the shape of governance is highly contentious.
Leaving aside the romantic notion that any governance is
bad governance (or that the questions can somehow be ignored),
arguments for regulating cyberspace reflect four models:
1) de facto rules emerging from decisions made by online
service providers and users, with disputes being resolved
on an exceptional basis through national/international private
litigation and arbitration.
An example is the regime described in "Chaos
prevailing on every continent": Towards a new theory
of decentralized decision-making in complex systems,
a paper
by David Post & David Johnson. Matthew McCloskey's ILPF
Bibliography
of Internet Self Regulation is dated but valuable.
2) creation of a new international organization to establish
rules and, in some proposals, to administer them.
An example is the recommendation in the American
Bar Association's major cyberspace law report
for a global commission to set international rules regarding
banking, consumer protection, privacy, taxation, gambling
and other online activities.
3) new treaties or multilateral international agreements
to establish broad-ranging 'whole-of-cyberspace' rules.
Those agreements would offer uniform treatment across jurisdictions
and across areas of activity. They would build on existing
agreements and institutions, such as the World Trade Agreement,
the International Telecommunications Union agreements and
the various international copyright conventions under the
auspices of the World Intellectual Property Organisation.
An example is the proposal
by the People for Internet Responsibility (PFIR) group for
a 'Representative Global Internet Policy Organization',
ie an entity that combines wide policy and decision making
responsibilities about most aspects of cyberspace.
4) the status quo, ie a patchwork of global agreements and
bilateral/multilateral agreements (such as the EU-Canada
privacy agreement and the North American Free Trade Agreement)
that broadly harmonise national government-based regulatory
regimes.
In the words of one critic, those regimes would be characterised
by "geographically-based, centralized, top-down governance",
with a continuation of existing disputes over jurisdiction
(explored in the next page of this guide), inconsistencies
of interpretation and uneven legislative development.
At the national level an example is the European Commission's
package
of Legislative Proposals for a new Regulatory Framework
for Electronic Communications, with directives on telecommunications
privacy, access and interconnection among others. There's
another view in the speech
by ITU Secretary-General Peka Tarjanne on Internet Governance:
Towards Voluntary Multilateralism.
perspectives
David Post's 1995 paper
Anarchy, State, & the Internet: An Essay on Law-Making
in Cyberspace and Dan Burk's provocative Muddy Rules
in Cyberspace paper
suggest that 'fuzzy' rules (and disputed institutions) may
be the future of the internet. They highlight the likelihood
of high internet transaction costs because of the number
of parties involved, the difficulty of locating the parties,
increased opportunity for strategic behavior and transborder
activity.
Mark Lemley's more cogent paper
on The Law & Economics of Internet Norms criticises
suggestions that law should defer to online social norms,
either by abdicating its role entirely to cyberspace self-governance,
or by carving out particular roles for nonlegal rulemaking.
He notes that online norms are elusive and rapidly changing,
without the consensus required for norm creation. "Neither
Net 'vigilantes,' judges, nor code itself can be relied
upon to identify and enforce Internet norms with an appropriate
sensitivity to efficiency and policy concerns."
In
1996 US Judge Frank Easterbrook's lecture on Cyberspace
& the Law of the Horse commented
that there was no need for a 'law of cyberspace', just as
there had been no need for a law of the horse. Existing
principles were adequate. Rather than struggling
to develop a body of 'cyberlaw' or new institutions, those
seeking order in cyberspace should concentrate on the optimal
means of applying existing legal principles.
Lawrence Lessig's rejoinder
argued that similarities between the
regulation of real space and regulations of cyberspace hide
important differences. Both were criticised by the provocative
Michael Froomkin in a paper
on The Empire Strikes Back and Jane Ginsburg &
Morton Janklow's paper (doc)
Private International Law Aspects of the Protection
of Works & Objects of Related Rights Transmitted Through
Networks.
There's a more balanced study in Henry Perritt's incisive
1997 paper
on Cyberspace & State Sovereignty and his Law
& the Information Superhighway: Privacy, Access, Intellectual
Property, Commerce, Liability (New York, Wiley 96).
It complements Joel Reidenberg's 1996 paper
Governing Networks & Rule-making in Cyberspace,
Andreas Rutkowski's brief paper
The Internet: Governance for Grabs?, John Zysman
& Steven Weber's 2000 paper (PDF)
Governance & Politics of the Internet Economy--Historical
Transformation or Ordinary Politics with a New Vocabulary?
and Autonomous Policy-Making By International Organisations
(London, Routledge 99) edited by Bob Reinalda.
assessment
Away from the rarified (if often overheated) air of academia,
there's little reason to believe that proposals for a radically
new regime at the global or national level will progress
very far.
That scepticism reflects the tortuous history of international
regulatory developments, explored in Braithwaite & Drahos's
exemplary Global Business Regulation and in more
specialised studies such as Christopher Arup's The New
World Trade Organization Agreements: Globalizing Law Through
Services & Intellectual Property (Cambridge, Cambridge
Uni Press 00).
Some states, such as the UK, are seeking a more coherent
national regime by thinking in terms of a broad 'content
& carriage' information policy and amalgamating the
plethora of competing regulatory agencies. However, given
the complexity of some issues and the different agendas
of significant interests, it is unlikely that the quick
fixes proposed in Australia and the US will be adopted in
any major economy.
Negroponte's naive notion that states will simply evaporate
looks increasingly unjustified. Rightly or wrongly, there's
widespread community support for content regulation, privacy,
consumer protection and other measures which in the foreseeable
future can only be implemented at a national or subnational
level. While we might be 'digital', to use his jingle, our
lives are analogue, fixed to at least one physical location.
More fundamentally, suggestions that a non-government organisation
can assume overarching policy and regulatory responsibilities
without consistent government endorsement seem to be contradicted
by the very low rate of participation in bodies such as
ICANN.
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